Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 456: Redefining the 'Italian Region'

To test the British, Franz decided to expedite France’s annexation of Italy. Currently, Naples, the Papal States, Tuscany, and other states were negotiating with the French.

The sheer disparity in power had eliminated any thoughts of military resistance. Initially, they had hoped for Austrian intervention, but the Austrian government chose to be a spectator instead.

The pretext was already in place: the old grievances from 1848. At that time, pressured by public opinion, these states stood on the opposite side of Austria. However, the nobility and kings were still good friends of Austria and decisively dragged their feet to avoid causing significant trouble for Austria.

Generous Franz had never held a grudge for that, but now he chose to watch indifferently as a form of retribution. The Italians had to pay for their past capriciousness.

This was the official narrative, but secretly, the Habsburgs and the Italian nobility had maintained their connections all along.

Even now, Austria was supporting them. Otherwise, these state governments wouldn’t have the confidence to negotiate with the French.

Austria had conditionally agreed to let France annex these Italian states, but how this would happen depended on the circumstances.

As part of the noble class, protecting class interests was the norm. Napoleon III was also a beneficiary of the existing order and wouldn’t break this European rule. Otherwise, he wouldn’t be able to maintain his position on the continent.

Austria’s precedent of re-establishing the Holy Roman Empire had set an example for Napoleon III, who now also wanted to be the Emperor of Italy.

As for the issue of Italy not having an emperor, he chose to ignore it. Just as the French Emperor title had been created, the Italian Emperor title could be fabricated too. He trusted the Pope would make the right decision.

Forcing the Pope to crown him in Rome had many historical precedents, and Napoleon III didn’t mind following suit.

Achieving a completely peaceful annexation of Italy was naturally impossible. Austria’s re-establishment of the Holy Roman Empire succeeded because the Germans themselves wanted unification and the creation of a powerful state.

Italians also desired unification, but they didn’t want it under French rule. Without popular support, Napoleon III had to resort to coercion and inducements.

French troops were already present in various Italian states. They hadn’t used force because the state governments were somewhat cooperative, at least negotiating terms rather than openly opposing, leaving the French without a clear pretext for military action. But these slippery officials were demanding exorbitant terms.

This was exactly what Franz wanted. If Napoleon III lost patience and dealt with them forcefully, it would have been even more interesting.

Without local cooperation, Italy would quickly descend into chaos, weakening rather than strengthening France.

Even if he managed to subdue these local leaders, it wouldn’t solve the underlying problems. If France left the local governments in charge, they might maintain fragile stability.

But if the French intervened directly, anti-French sentiment would become mainstream in Italy. These local leaders would channel social discontent toward the French to divert attention from their own failings.

Moreover, there were bound to be conflicts of interest. While the local capitalists seemed cooperative now, future clashes between French and Italian capitalists would reveal the severity of the situation.

Balancing these interests was nearly impossible. Once Italian capitalists felt the government favored French interests, revolutionary sentiments would rise.

This prediction wasn’t just speculation; it was almost a certainty. Such situations had occurred in Austria, often leading to high-profile court cases.

It wasn’t uncommon for awkward scenarios to emerge where both sides had merit to their cases, perplexing the judges who were unsure how to proceed. Eventually, the resolution would be reached through private settlement.

Naturally, each time this kind of issue arose, the legislature would make targeted amendments. This is how the legal system was gradually refined and completed.

If this were France, protests and demonstrations would overwhelm the French government before any lawsuits could even conclude.

While the French might have anticipated these problems to some degree, the magnitude of the aftermath seems to have surprised them. Their present active engagement indicates as much.

After all, Austria managed to finally properly resolve its problems without it getting out of hand.

If others could handle such issues, why couldn’t they? The French certainly had their pride.

Napoleon III was already paving the way for his son. If he couldn’t fulfill the French desire to be a superpower, the future Napoleon IV would face immense challenges.

A master at manipulating public opinion, Napoleon III was acutely aware of the danger of such expectations. His plan to form a Franco-Italian Empire, emulating Austria’s re-establishment of the Holy Roman Empire, was a forced move.

Napoleon III had great confidence in the fighting capabilities of the French army. Establishing a unified empire would make it the dominant power in Europe.

This would satisfy the ambitions of most French people, stabilizing the empire’s foundation. Becoming the Emperor of Italy was also a personal temptation.

Those who achieve fame and fortune often feel compelled to revisit their origins. The Italian throne held particular importance for the Bonapartes, despite having previously crowned an Italian king during Napoleon’s reign.

There were still many Napoleonic loyalists in Italy, giving Napoleon III confidence. With military strength, supporters, and opportunity, why hesitate?

As for the legalities, they could always hold another election. This time, instead of a general election, it would be done through the state governments.

As the King of Sardinia, he was qualified to run. Besides Napoleon III, who else would dare to contest for the position? Being the sole candidate, his victory was assured.

In theory, Ludwig I of the Kingdom of Lombardy was also eligible to run since Lombardy was part of the Italian region. Even Franz wore the crown of Venetia, making him a potential candidate.

However, neither Franz nor Ludwig I considered themselves part of Italy and wouldn’t interfere.

Napoleon III, on the other hand, did not share this view. In Europe, holding multiple titles was a standard practice among the old nobility, especially when it came to royal titles.

Figuring out how to exclude Lombardy and Venetia from Italy became Napoleon III’s biggest headache.

Napoleon III did not believe a mere treaty could bind Austria when interests were at stake. If something changed and Franz decided to run for Emperor of Italy, Napoleon would have done all the work for him.

After all, in terms of family influence, House Bonaparte still couldn’t compare to the Habsburgs. The old nobility had extensive kinship networks and solid legal foundations.

To accelerate the French efforts, Franz decided to make things easier for Napoleon III and withdraw himself from the race.

…

At Schönbrunn Palace, Franz summoned Foreign Minister Wessenberg and ordered him, “Notify the French through the Foreign Ministry that we will convene an international conference in Vienna to redefine some disputed areas of Europe.

For instance, the regions of Venetia and Lombardy should belong to the German region, not the Italian region, as they are now part of the German cultural sphere.”

This was something Napoleon III wanted to do but didn’t dare. Ostensibly, it would divide the Italian region, but in reality, it was defining the sovereignty of the soon-to-be-established Italian Empire.

No matter how strong the unification sentiment in Italy was, the fact remained that since the collapse of the Roman Empire, Italy had never been unified. This was an undeniable fact.

The so-called legal sovereignty simply didn’t exist. Now that Lombardy and Venetia did not want to be part of Italy, there were no legal issues with that.

A region isn’t a country, so what sovereignty could it claim? Before the birth of the Italian Federal Empire, redefining geographical terms was Franz’s way of sending a political signal to Napoleon III.

After all, the division of regions was a human construct. Re-dividing them now wasn’t out of the question. As long as France and Austria were in agreement, changing regional boundaries was no big deal.

This wouldn’t affect the interests of various parties too much, and even if there were objections, they wouldn’t be significant. Franz had already thought of the justification for this—culture.

This way, the definition of the German region would become broader. Besides Lombardy and Venetia, most of the Balkan Peninsula would also become part of the German region.

Whether the outside world accepted it or not, Austria could change its official documents accordingly. These areas were indeed part of the German cultural sphere, and there was nothing wrong with dividing them based on cultural tradition.

Wessenberg thought for a moment and said, “Your Majesty, doing this might cause some trouble. These areas are traditionally known by their current names, and if we redefine regions based on cultural spheres, it might arouse the vigilance of many countries.”

Vigilance is inevitable. After all, Austria’s slogan has always been the unification of the German region. With such political rhetoric, it’s no surprise that everyone is on alert.

Of course, not using this slogan wouldn’t make much difference. If you asked anyone in Europe whether Austria had ambitions to unify Germany, the answer would invariably be yes.

Since it’s impossible to hide, they might as well be open about it. For years, the Austrian government has loudly proclaimed its intentions, and the result is still the same.

Vigilance is one thing, but there’s no need to foster hatred from everyone. After all, Franz is no radical. Waving the banner of “peaceful unification,” the many states of the Holy Roman Empire served as a prime example.

If it weren’t for the fear of igniting a European crisis, Franz could dismantle the German Federal Empire at any time. Over the years, Austria has managed to sway quite a few small states.

Now, if the German territories were to expand further, Switzerland, Belgium, and the Netherlands would lose sleep over it.

Franz casually said, “Don’t worry. While delineating regions, we can sign an international treaty, legally clarifying that ‘regional names cannot serve as a basis for unification.’ That should put their minds at ease.”

This was all nonsense. Regional names have never been a legitimate basis for unification. If that were the case, being all Earthlings would justify unifying the entire planet.

The so-called reassurance was just a ruse to lower their guard. As for the future, Franz genuinely had no intentions towards them.

Those tiny territories, with scarce resources and cumbersome governance, were hardly worth the trouble. Unless he lost his mind, Franz would always choose to expand into more manageable regions.

It’s much better for everyone to play their own game now. Expanding the German territories is mainly for propaganda, to spread German culture.

It might not seem significant now, but in the future, it could lead to a Greater German cultural sphere. If no groundwork is laid now and English becomes the dominant global language, wouldn’t that be a tragedy?

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