Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 681 - 254: Leading Astray



Compared to Austria, who wanted to appease public opinion, the Colombian Government could not afford to delay. If they didn’t regain control of the Panama area quickly, they might never get it back.

Although the Austrian Government had made a promise, that was merely a promise; whether they would honor it in the end was ultimately up to them.

In those days, the great powers’ bottom lines were very low, and breaking treaties was a common occurrence. If the Vienna Government later reneged, the Colombian Government lacked the power to hold them to their commitment.

It wasn’t as if there were no precedents for such scenarios. If that happened, except for voicing a few protests, there was little the Colombian Government could do.

After receiving the diplomatic note for negotiations from the Austrian envoy, President Rafael Núñez could not afford to be concerned with appearances and personally took charge.

Now was not the time for avoidance; if he couldn’t recover the Panama area, his presidency would be over, and no amount of shirking responsibility would be of use.

Both parties wanted to quickly resolve the dispute and end this unpleasant "misunderstanding," naturally leading to active participation in the negotiations.

Even the British cheering from the sidelines had no effect; the disparity in power was too great, and the Colombian Government didn’t have the capital to be tough.

President Rafael Núñez wanted to secure greater benefits at the negotiation table, but he was more worried that as time dragged on, the Vienna Government might change its stance.

After all, international reputation is only valuable when it exists. If it were already sullied and couldn’t be restored in the short term, it would be akin to being temporarily useless.

If it was useless, then one might as well throw caution to the wind. Similar precedents were numerous, and a glance through history books would reveal that the British had the rich experience and were still fine today.

The Vienna Government was eager to quell the media storm mainly to minimize and dissolve the situation as quickly as possible, to cleanse this stain before it affected future diplomacy.

If dragged out too long, once public opinion fermented, no cleansing could be effective, and negotiations with the Colombian Government would be meaningless.

Perhaps for the British, damaging Austria’s international reputation might be more valuable than the minor Panama area; however, from the Colombian Government’s standpoint, it was the exact opposite.

With such a powerful neighbor emerging, the Colombian Government hoped it to be a good neighbor with integrity and boundaries.

If the Vienna Government discarded its principles, then they would truly be in danger. It wasn’t just about the Panama area; the entire Republic of Colombia could potentially be at stake.

Facing the harsh reality, Rafael Núñez dared not gamble. No matter how much the British fanned the flames and promised benefits, nothing was more effective than the threat of a gun to the neck.

To prevent the "misunderstanding" from deepening, President Rafael Núñez came to the negotiation table full of sincerity.

Since both parties were sincere and their demands not excessive, the negotiations went very smoothly. In less than a month, the two countries reached a preliminary agreement.

On May 24, 1880, the Austrian Ambassador to Bogota, Lorella, signed the "Panama Accidental Exchange of Fire Remedy Agreement" with President Rafael Núñez.

Both countries agreed that the exchange of fire was entirely accidental, primarily due to foggy weather and the deliberate instigation of roving bandits; secondarily, the miscommunication arising from language barriers, which had given the enemy an opportunity.

The main culprits, the roving bandits, had already been eliminated by the Allied Forces, making it impossible to pursue responsibility.

Since the plan to eliminate the bandits was organized by the Austrians, and the Colombian Government joined at the invitation of the Austro-Central American colonial government and suffered heavy losses in the accidental exchange of fire, the Austrian Government was willing to make humanitarian compensation.

According to the treaty, the Austrian Government was to pay the Colombian Government a total compensation of 3.426 million Divine Shields, including: 584,000 Divine Shields for casualties and 2.842 million Divine Shields for economic and property damage.

(Note: After the treaty was signed, the two countries handed over the Panama area within a month, with the Austrian army withdrawing by July 1, 1880. The compensation was to be paid in five installments, with valuable physical goods accepted as offsets.)

Setting aside the issue of the amount of compensation, and without scrutinizing the method of payment excessively, receiving indemnity from the great powers was a groundbreaking first in Colombian history.

As a small country, it could not afford to expect too much. The truth of the matter is something only naive youths would wish to unravel.

President Rafael Núñez was a wise man who knew that even if the ins and outs were clarified, it would hold no practical significance.

With Colombia’s strength, it simply didn’t have the capacity to seek justice. The current opportunity to sit and talk was only because the Vienna Government wished to resolve the issue diplomatically, thus the negotiations took place.

If they lifted the lid and the Austrians became enraged and decided to simply stay put in the Panama area, that would be a true tragedy.

Being able to reclaim lost territory and receive some economic compensation would be the greatest diplomatic victory.

After the treaty was signed, President Rafael Núñez immediately shared this great news with the public, and the people of Colombia were ecstatic.

President Rafael Núñez’s once shaky position solidified overnight. From being mocked as the "idiot president," he was suddenly hailed as a "national hero."

The few newspapers within Colombia placed Rafael Núñez on a pedestal, proclaiming him the greatest diplomat in South America.

However, the "great diplomat" did not have a hint of a smile of joy on his face.

"Victory" was still premature; there are no pies that fall from the sky. The great powers are not vegetarians, and Austrian money is not easy to take.

Even if the Vienna Government, to quiet the media storm, temporarily made concessions, it did not mean they had abandoned their ambitions for the Panama area.

Studying the map carefully and looking at the green markings, Rafael Núñez sighed at the still unopened Panama Canal.

In his heart, he had already cursed the families of the former government officials who had approved the construction of the Panama Canal.

Besides a few plains, the Panama area was largely mountainous and forested, and few mineral resources had been found, which was hardly worth the Austrians’ covetous gazes.

The only problem could only lie in the Panama Canal; a grand canal that connected two oceans, its economic and strategic value was indeed very high.

With the example of the Suez Canal before them, everyone knew that once the Panama Canal opened to traffic, wealth would flow in endlessly.

Unfortunately, the Colombian Government’s power was limited; holding onto this Golden Waterway was like a "child clutching a gold brick in a bustling market."

President Rafael Núñez was well aware that the blockade of Peru was just a pretext, Austria’s main reason for taking action was to covet this Golden Waterway.

It seemed as though Austria, under international pressure, had withdrawn from the Panama area, but in reality, this was just the beginning, or rather, a probe.

If the troops defending the Panama area couldn’t resist the enemy’s blades, then no one else could hold back Austria’s ambitions, and Colombia’s future was destined to be difficult.

Opening the window and inhaling a breath of fresh air, Rafael Núñez slowly asked, "How much intelligence have we collected on the Panama Independence Organization?"

The middle-aged man replied helplessly, "I regret to inform you, Mr. President. There simply hasn’t been enough time; our people couldn’t infiltrate in such short notice.

The information we’ve gathered so far is only what they themselves have exposed in the open.

Before this, we had not even heard of this organization. It is suspected to be related to the previous Republic of Panama and is deeply entangled with Austria.

With the Austrian army’s willful indulgence, this organization has already replaced the original local government of Panama and has established its own forces.

These troops exist in the form of militias, predominantly composed of German descendants, with the majority of the officers being retired personnel from the Austrian army.

The total military forces are approximately 15,000 men, and it’s noteworthy that several units have directly transformed from civilian armed groups; these people are recent immigrant colonial teams."

Knowing full well that the Austrian Government was supporting the independence movement in the Panama area from behind the scenes, Rafael Núñez could only pretend to be oblivious.

As long as this façade isn’t pierced, the Vienna Government would have to consider the international impact and could only clandestinely support the rebel army to a limited extent.

If this charade were exposed, aside from losing face, the Vienna Government would probably just brazenly acknowledge the legitimacy of the Panama regime.

In those times, the recognition by the major powers was also a crucial factor for a country to obtain independence.

Rafael Núñez was very clear that the recent policy of blockading Peru not only offended Austria but also grievously angered France, Peru, and Bolivia.

If someone took the lead, these countries would all recognize Panama’s independence. And if the countries heavily influenced by France and Austria followed suit in recognizing the independence of the Panama area, it was possible that more than half of the world’s nations might do the same.

There had already been a Republic of Panama in the area before it was later incorporated into Colombia; with this historical precedent, if half the world’s countries recognized Panama’s independence, then it would indeed be independent.

In this case, suppressing the rebellion would evolve into a war between two countries, a fact which would change the nature of the conflict entirely.

Rafael Núñez: "Continue the investigation; we must determine who the leaders of the Panama Independence Organization are and just how deep their relations with Austria go.

It would be best to find evidence of Austria’s manipulation of the Panama Independence Organization; otherwise, the British won’t intervene."

There was no way around it, the Anglo-Austrian two countries were still allies, and one must abide by the rules of the game.

In the South American wars, John Bull showed bias towards Chile, and the Vienna Government only acted behind the scenes; apart from a few protests over the detention of ships, they mostly acquiesced.

Just like with the previous "Panama Accidental Exchange of Fire Misunderstanding," the British also only agitated behind the scenes, with the London Government officially believing it to be a "misunderstanding."

Through alliance pacts, they restricted the scope of each other’s conflicts and, when necessary, covered for one another; this was the main reason why the British-French-Austrian tripartite alliance had endured.

Colombia’s wish for the British to stand up for them was in fact wishful thinking. Even if they obtained evidence, the London Government would at most issue some non-committal condemnations.

This was determined by interests and by power. The Panama Canal had not yet opened for navigation, its strategic value had not yet been realized, and it was not worth confronting Austria over.

Furthermore, in the Panama area, the British did not have the strength to counter Austria’s influence, even if they teamed up with the Republic of Colombia, it would still be a stretch.

Don’t be fooled by the seemingly insignificant Austro-Central American Colony; its worth depends on the comparison. Compared to European nations, it certainly ranks as a junior, not reaching even the top ten. Read latest chapters at empire

But in the American Continent, the military strength of the Austro-Central American Colony could definitely rank in the top five, and if the sea routes are clear, it might even reach the top three.

After all, everything is relative; South America is largely agricultural with a sparse and racially divided population, thus naturally weak in combat.

While the Colombian public celebrated this great victory, a media earthquake rocked Europe, sending newspaper sales surging.

The media’s opinions were mixed, but the mainstream media split into two camps: those in support believed that the Austrian Government’s proactive payment of compensation signaled a willingness to take responsibility and respect other nations’ sovereignty.

The opposition, however, saw it as pure political "showmanship," a concession made under international pressure, and a victory for international public opinion.

But this victory was not absolute. The aggression was downplayed as "accidental conflict," and the aggressor did not suffer the consequences they deserved, highlighting that such "misunderstandings" in international struggles would continue to emerge.

Beyond the mainstream views were myriad other chaotic opinions.

For example, some criticized the Vienna Government for showing weakness by ceding to little Colombia, losing the face of the European powers.

Standing on their respective grounds, experts and academics voiced their opinions and engaged in verbal battles in the newspapers. As for how many among them were online trolls, no one knew.

Eventually, as the arguments diverged, the topic shifted. It started with the "Panama Accidental Exchange of Fire Misunderstanding" to the ongoing "Guano Wars," then to the British-French-Austrian struggle in South America, and finally back to the Prusso-Russian War.

As topics multiplied, the situation changed. Compared with ongoing wars, the "misunderstanding" that had already settled became old news and gradually faded from public attention.

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