Holy Roman Empire

On April 9, 1880, the Colombian Government, using the previous border conflict with Peru as an excuse, severed trade relations with Peru.

Upon receiving the news in Vienna, the Austrian Government was in an uproar, with calls to show the Colombian Government a lesson.

Anyone with a modicum of political sense understood what Colombia’s choice meant.

Before this, the Austrian Government had promised both Peru and Bolivia to ensure the continuation of their international trade during the war.

Conceding to the British blockade of the coastline was due to the sheer power of the Royal Navy, which the Austrian Navy could not match—it was an unavoidable situation.

Now that the land trade routes were also lost, did the Vienna Government still care about its face?

The French were also troubled by the same issue; the Paris Government had made similar promises to Peru and Bolivia.

Now slapped in the face by the Colombian Government, if there was no retaliation, how could they have the face to mingle in international affairs?

It must be said that the Colombian Government made the wrong decision at the wrong time. Had they not been the last to announce the cessation of trade, perhaps they wouldn’t have attracted such hostility.

The similar decisions made by Brazil, Paraguay, Argentina, and Ecuador previously had also aroused the dissatisfaction of France and Austria.

However, since France and Austria had weaker influence in those countries and they emerged simultaneously, retaliation was difficult, so that account was temporarily shelved.

This was not President Rafael Núñez’s fault; it was entirely the responsibility of the previous administration that he did not act with the four nations and ended up delaying until the end.

Everyone knew that choosing between England, France, and Austria in the triple alliance wasn’t just an offensive matter. With his term about to end, President Julian, being smart, naturally wouldn’t fall into the pit.

Thanks to dexterously dealing with England, France, and Austria, President Julian still secured considerable benefits for Colombia, though these benefits were not easy to attain.

No matter, as President Julian retired full of political achievements, leaving the trouble for the next administration.

When Rafael Núñez took office, this tightrope game could no longer continue. The patience of England, France, and Austria had reached its limit, and the Colombian Government had to make a choice.

The tragedy was that whatever choice Rafael Núñez made, the outcome would ultimately be the worst one.

...

In the Vienna Palace, upon receiving this "good news," Franz immediately convened a government meeting.

Foreign Minister Wessenberg said, "It’s not surprising that the Colombian Government has leaned towards the British. The Pro-Austrian and Pro-French factions were full of conflicts, and it was only due to the joint influence of us and the French that they began to cooperate.

But this cooperation is merely nominal. We can influence their decision-making but can’t make decisions for them.

In the face of interests, they won’t back down. Take the presidential election, for instance.

To some extent, we have also helped the British. If it weren’t for our forced matchmaking between the Pro-Austrian and Pro-French factions, which consumed a lot of energy in their internal strife, Rafael Núñez wouldn’t have won so easily.

Since the Pro-British Faction has taken power and made decisions favorable to the British, that’s not surprising.

The only noteworthy aspect is the Colombian Government’s excuse of ’border conflict.’ This excuse is very interesting; if extended further, the Colombian Government can even make territorial demands on Peru.

A preliminary analysis suggests that to win over the Colombian Government, the British must have promised them territorial concessions.

The Colombian Government probably refrained from making direct territorial demands on Peru because they feared our and France’s reaction."

Matchmaking the Pro-Austrian and Pro-French factions for a joint effort was a political necessity; the outcome of Colombia’s elections was not important to Austria.

Supporting Peru and Bolivia to continue the war was merely to trouble the British. Franz did not have the confidence that with Austria’s support, they could turn the tables.

In this war of attrition, Peru and Bolivia were clearly more decrepit than Chile.

A useless ally is the hardest to support. Just thinking about the Bolivian army going to battle with bows and arrows, Franz couldn’t muster any confidence in them.

In this sense, the decision of the Colombian Government merely accelerated the end of the war without truly changing the outcome.

Prime Minister Felix said, "What the Colombian Government thinks is no longer important. Since they have made the wrong decision, they must pay the price for it.

However, we have an understanding with the British, and it’s obviously not worth it to rashly deploy troops and break this understanding over Colombia."

That’s the crux of the issue. Since the alliance of England, France, and Austria, in overseas struggles, everyone tacitly supported proxy fighters and had not directly joined the fray.

"The problem is not difficult to solve. I believe the Central American colonial government can handle it. They have always wanted to annex the Panama area but never had the right opportunity.

Now that both the French and we are in an awkward position, even for the sake of our own face, the Paris Government can only support our actions," Colonial Minister Stephen calmly replied.

The Colonial Department had long wanted to take action. In recent years, as Africa progressed towards indigenization, the scope under the control of the Colonial Department had been shrinking.

The jurisdictional scope is diminishing, and the sway of the Colonial Department within the government is also being eroded. If this situation does not change, it is feared that the Colonial Minister may soon become a rare sight at Cabinet meetings.

Africa’s localization is Austria’s national policy, and naturally, Stephen did not entertain the idea of changing it. There were officials who resisted the localization of the colonies, but those people have all been sent home to farm.

Against this backdrop, if the Colonial Department wishes to expand its influence, it can only do so by further external expansion, making its interest in the Panama area unsurprising.

Strategic vision is not something everyone possesses, and Austria too has many shortsighted individuals.

In the Austrian Central American Colony, many harbor delusions of occupying the Panama area, ousting the French, developing the Panama Canal themselves, and controlling a Golden Waterway comparable to the Suez Canal.

Interest is the best motive, and in the name of the Divine Shield, seizing the Panama area has become a target for many local Colonial Companies.

Almost every year, many people lobby the Austrian Colonial Department to take over the Panama area. To grab the initiative, some have even prepared detailed maps of the area.

Foreign Minister Weisenberg opposed, "If it’s just about giving the Colombian Government a beating, perhaps under political pressure, the Paris Government might support us.

If we want to occupy the Panama area, then there will be no such good fortune. The French would surely take the opportunity to demand a share of the spoils; whether we agree or not?"

There’s nothing wrong with that; it’s the essence of international diplomacy. Even resentment is for the sake of interest, and any hard feelings can quickly dissipate with the right incentives.

The French would not help Austria for nothing, watching us reap the benefits. Likewise, Austria could not share the Panama area with the French. Although the land doesn’t seem valuable, its potential strategic significance is extremely important.

Now comes the problem, recklessly attacking an independent nation and seizing its territory is bound to generate animosity.

Without the French sharing the pressure, the Vienna Government would have to think thrice before taking unilateral diplomatic action.

After brief consideration, Franz spoke, "Now is not the opportune moment; we must consider the international response. To act on the Panama area, it is best to first incite the locals to declare independence."

Austria is certainly powerful, but it lacks the domineering strength the United States would have in later times, necessitating consideration of the world’s reactions.

Compared to directly deploying troops to seize the Panama area, instigating the locals to revolt and declare independence, with the new government then joining the colonial system, poses far fewer problems.

This kind of operation has been done too many times by too many people. As long as one minds their manners and adds a little embellishment, a nominal legal basis can be established.

Colonial Minister Stephen explained, "Your Majesty, the Colombian Government has stationed a division of heavy troops in the Panama area; with just the local forces, any disturbance would be suppressed before it could even start."

Compared to the meager population of little over a hundred thousand in the Panama area, a division indeed constitutes an overwhelming military presence.

Franz asked in surprise, "A division of troops? How many troops does Colombia have in total?"

Colombia is a classic example of vast land with sparse population, and including the Indians and the black population, the entire country only amounts to two to three million people.

Such a small Panama hosts a division of forces; anyone hearing this for the first time would be astonished.

Stephen responded directly, "The regular army has just over 30,000, with militias and reservists roughly around 50,000; no one knows the limits of full mobilization.

Due to the presence of the Austrian Central American Colony, the Panama area is a key defensive zone for Colombia, where they have placed one-third of their forces."

The political situation within Colombia is also quite unstable. If the forces deployed in the Panama area were to be defeated, Colombia’s internal conflicts would intensify."

It’s clear that the Colonial Department is well-prepared and very familiar with the internal situation of Colombia, having thoroughly assessed their military capabilities.

Since entering the Age of Hot Weapons, ’total mobilization’ has become the prerogative of industrialized nations; agricultural countries may be able to organize forces, but can’t conjure up weaponry and equipment.

For an ordinary country, facing a foreign invasion might unite all parties to face the enemy, but Colombia is an exception.

This issue traces back to the time of the American Civil War when Austria organized an immigration movement, and German descendants actually became the second largest ethnic group in Colombia, with the Indian population in first place.

The German descendants who immigrated to Colombia were mostly commoners. Even with Austria as a backer, as newcomers, they were at the bottom of the social hierarchy, with the positions at the top already occupied by those of Spanish descent.

Fearing subversion by Austria from within, successive Colombian governments have deliberately suppressed the German descendants, even the Pro-Austrian Faction maintaining enough vigilance against Austria.

There has been no overt discrimination on the surface, only discreet actions behind the scenes; even if discovered, these would be individual behaviors, leaving the Austrian Government with little recourse to intervene.

Just like Colombia, immigration to any country could face these problems. If everyone were Gold, how could everyone be liked?

Beyond this, racial tensions have also been a long-standing dilemma for South American nations. The blood of the Indians is yet to dry, and while the government could maintain control through force in times of strength, once decline sets in, conflicts are bound to erupt.

Franz never doubted whether internal conflicts in Colombia would erupt. Even without existing conflicts, they could be manufactured; not to mention, Colombia already has plenty of its own.

After hesitating for a moment, Franz nodded and said, "Since Colombia is well-prepared, we need not be polite. We’ll find an excuse to wipe out this division.

However, for the sake of our international reputation, we mustn’t occupy the Panama area directly. After the fight, we’ll hand over the territory immediately to the Panama Independence Organization and withdraw from the area swiftly."

The "Panama Independence Organization" did not exist before, at least the upper echelons of the Vienna Government hadn’t heard of it, but now it must come into existence.

THIS CHAPTER UPLOAD FIRST AT NOVELBIN.COM